Drawing on data from two qualitative studies, this chapter argues that both school organizations and individual students will benefit from centering youth voices in student support systems. To do this, the author shares data from adolescents’ narratives that demonstrate how young people’s voices might (re)shape the central practices of school-based support processes.
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This chapter tells the story of how and why one student who received a ticket for being late to school joined the fight against policies that criminalize students in Los Angeles Unified School District.
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Introduction to the issue on race on education.
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Common Core proponents and detractors debate its merits, but students have voiced their opinion for years. Using a decade’s worth of data gathered through design-research on youth voice, this article discusses what high school students have long described as more ideal learning environments for themselves—and how remarkably similar the Common Core ideals are to what kids say they want and need to learn best.
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This study constitutes the secondary analysis of data collected as part of classroom instruction in a prior practitioner inquiry study. Consequently, IRB approval, parental consent, and participant assent for the present study were obtained after the conclusion of the original study.
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The introduction to the volume offers a definition of student voice, a discussion of the philosophical and theoretical warrants for it, a brief summary of the history of the student voice movement in the United States, and a synopsis of extant research on the topic. It also describes the rationale for the volume, reviews the volume’s structure, and previews its 13 chapters.
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This commentary discusses how readiness, a concept often associated with early childhood policy and practice, is being “pushed-up” creating a chain between early childhood and employment. The authors argue a need to break the readiness chain and suggest the break begin within the context of higher education. Further, the authors propose that breaking the readiness chain be the impetus for deserting the concept of readiness and rethinking the view of the student as capable and competent.
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This piece is a reflection on my experiences with disability in education, first as a student, then as a teacher, and ultimately, as someone who became disabled, but it is also an argument for a significant change in the manner in which most educational institutions treat, represent, and serve individuals with disabilities. I suggest that including the perspectives of more researchers and teachers who are disabled into the wider education research community is one way to begin this transformation.
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The authors' conversation with the Honorable Judge Nathanial Jones entails his reflections about Milliken 40 years later, origins of his involvement in the case, and suggestions for school desegregation advocates in the 21st century.
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In this article, the author considers school desegregation as a form of social justice for blacks and racial equality for all, 40 years post-Milliken. Drawing from research on school desegregation as social justice and Bell’s theory of interest convergence, the author argues that integration and equality in the post-Civil Rights Era requires attention to the competing visions of social justice they describe as black equality and white freedom.
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In this article, authors draw on the concepts of place and race to understand interview data from three experts on education segregation and desegregation to shed light on the nature and complexity of Milliken that are under-explored in public and policy discourses and examinations.
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This article examines the contemporary implications of the Milliken v. Bradley (1974) decision for educational inequality between school districts in U.S. metropolitan areas.
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This theoretical article examines the historical underpinnings of racialized policy discrimination in Detroit. With a backdrop of Detroit’s restrictive residential racial covenants, the Sweet Trials, the Detroit Race Riot of 1943, the destruction of Black Bottom, the refusal to place mass transit systems in Detroit, and more recently, the racialized implementation of Emergency Management Laws, authors argue that White actions toward Detroit are based on deep-rooted and historical biases, stereotypes, and fears of Blacks.
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